{"id":5107,"date":"2023-12-15T11:14:32","date_gmt":"2023-12-15T16:14:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/iranlifeandliberty.com\/?p=5107"},"modified":"2023-12-15T21:31:33","modified_gmt":"2023-12-16T02:31:33","slug":"new-republicanism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/iranlifeandliberty.com\/en\/new-republicanism\/","title":{"rendered":"The Dawn of Iran’s New Republic: Forging a Non-Dominant Social Contract"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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The Dawn of Iran's New Republic: Forging a Non-Dominant Social Contract<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t
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Introduction<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The “Woman Life Freedom” movement has created a historical platform for reflection on<\/a>\u00a0 the social contract, which forms the basis of the relationship between our people and our government. In this critical period of history, we as the people of Iran, need a new definition of this contract that has implications such as \u00a0liberty, <\/a>\u00a0justice , <\/a>legitimacy .National reconciliation and lasting peace. The social contract, which is an agreement between residents of a particular geographic area, delegates the responsibility for protecting the rights of the people of that region to the government and specifies laws, restrictions and responsibilities of the state. Such a government has legitimacy as long as it fulfills its assigned duties and loses its legitimacy in the event of a violation of its assigned duties. It also sets out how to replace a government that has fallen out of legitimacy. This approach emphasizes the importance of the rule of rights and the observance of laws based on the rights and interests of citizens, and provides a platform for a responsive and responsible government to the people, based on republican principles, freedom in the sense of non-domination, civil partnership, and the public interest.<\/span><\/p>\n

In this way, we must seek to establish a democratic system that prevents a return to tyranny. This movement does not just want to solve the current problems, but also to herald a bright, free and democratic future. In modern Iranian history, although the demand for freedom has always been at the heart of people’s demands, there has been no comprehensive discussion of the role of the state in ensuring freedom. Today, we need a new understanding of the concept We have republics and freedoms to redefine the relationship between the state and the people. This new understanding can provide a promising vision for a better future.\u00a0 This paper tries to define the principles that a modern social contract of Iran can be discussed, and then proposes a framework for Iran’s future democratic system.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Innovation in Governance – Writing a New Social Contract in Iran<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The new social contract for Iran is seen as a symbol of hope and a tool for fundamental change. Driven by the collective will of the people, this agreement is not only a set of ideas, but also paves the way for a just and democratic future. This document is the collective effort of those working to change the structure of power. Written as a symbol of resistance<\/a> that reflects discontent.The collective outlook for Iran is different. The vision is based on justice, equality and freedom.<\/span><\/p>\n

The new social contract focuses on ensuring citizens’ fundamental and inviolable rights, including the right to life, freedom of expression, equality before the law, the right to use and express in their mother tongues, and the freedom to believe and practice in different religions and religions. These rights, which include cultural and religious diversity, are essential to the preservation of the dignity and worth of each individual and to build trust and peaceful coexistence between different groups of society. Are. These \u00a0rights, derived from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, <\/a>\u00a0guarantee diversity and multiculturalism in a democratic and progressive society. It is important to understand that while in the voting and election process, the group that receives the most votes (the majority) over the group with the least votes (the minority), in the area of civil rights this division into a majority and a minority does not make sense. In this context, all citizens must be recognized equally and without discrimination before the law and have the same rights, regardless of their mother tongue, religion or individual beliefs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Increasing the participation of the Iranian people in the idea of a social contract makes it a motivator for a \u00a0broad popular movement that <\/a>\u00a0could lead to general strikes and fundamental changes in relations between the people and the government, and pave the way for the overthrow of the current regime. The agreement serves two key objectives: first, to clarify the rights of the people that the government should guard and second, to define the legitimacy and mechanisms of preserving the legitimacy of the state. Achieving these goals unites different groups under the banner of freedom, justice and legitimacy, addresses people’s demands and grievances, and directs collective energies toward the nonviolent destruction of existing power structures. Participation in writing this contract is an objective symbol of popular sovereignty and their right to self-determination.<\/span><\/p>\n

With the realisation of regime change, the role of the social contract becomes an instrument of resistance to a fundamental component of the New Order. At this \u00a0stage, the social contract will become a framework for the formulation of a new constitution<\/a>\u00a0 and equal representation. It ensures that the principles and values that people emphasize are institutionalized in their future system of government. This agreement is not only a stage for mobilizing people for regime change, but also a test And its real victory will be in shaping Iran after political upheaval. In this regard, one of the key issues that should be addressed in Iran’s new social contract is the definition of legitimacy.<\/span><\/p>\n

Definition of legitimacy<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

In an important part of the dialogue of the new social contract in Iran, a broad discussion of “the definition of legitimacy” must be discussed. In the history of Iran’s constitution, the issue of legitimacy has influenced Iranian politics since the Constitutional Revolution in 1906. The Constitutional Revolution was an attempt to limit the absolute power of the Qajar monarchy, but the fundamental question of the ultimate authority remains unresolved. In tensions between groupsConstitutionalists, Republicans, nationalists, and Rouhani can be seen at the roots of today’s competing conceptions of sovereignty in Iran.<\/span><\/p>\n

On the one hand, the heirs of royal and clerical traditions associate the legitimacy of the state with divine right or religious authority. On the other hand, the followers of democratic nationalism \u2013 Mohammad Mossadegh \u2013 see legitimacy in the will of the people. But there is also the possibility of expressing a third solution based on republicanism. The main assumption is that the legitimacy of the state should not be based solely on the private decisions of the rulers or the passing will of the people, but should derive its legitimate power from the people’s continuous and collective judgment of its ability to secure equal freedom through impartial legislation and inclusive policymaking.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The main expectation of the government is that in its structure and actions, it publicly demonstrates a commitment to protect all citizens from arbitrary control. Laws must apply this ethic of defending equal liberty so that no agent in society can exercise uncontrolled power over others. There should also be platforms to express civil grievances and channels to hear voices of disadvantaged groups. He provided it. These promising republican standards provide a foundation for assessing and reforming the foundations of political legitimacy in Iran as part of a new social contract in line with the constitutional justice movement. Meanwhile, the interpretation of freedom in Iran’s new social contract is also an important issue that needs to be analyzed.<\/span><\/p>\n

Understanding Freedom in Iran’s New Social Contract<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

What definition of freedom should be at the center of Iran’s renewed social contract? There is a lot of confusion and disagreement on this fundamental issue. Some in Iran continue to advocate a traditional and negative view of freedom as “a mere absence of interference in personal affairs.”\u00a0 But critics argue that this view could easily lead to unequal restrictions on citizens’ rights, although seemingly “non-interventionist” and applied only in the name of freedom.<\/span><\/p>\n

In contrast, Philippe Pettit‘s republican theory <\/a>of “freedom as non-domination” demands that we look beyond non-interference<\/a> to the social relations that make arbitrary control possible. Even if the state does not intervene actively at a particular moment, the remaining capacity to intervene at the discretion of the ruler or majority jeopardizes republican freedom. From this perspective, the history of the last century of Iran from the time of the Constitutional Revolution to the Now it illustrates the various methods that the Pahlavi authoritarian regimes and the present regime have consolidated on citizens. The Pahlavi government expanded its bureaucratic reach through centralization measures that systematically undermined civil society. The Islamic Republic initially changed the Shah’s policies, but after suppressing dissent, it restructured its ideological apparatus. In both cases, despite promises to protect individual rights and freedoms, the Iranian government has effectively retained broad discretion to arbitrarily interfere in most aspects of public and private life. This universal vulnerability to dominance has led the Iranian people to take to the streets again and again to demand their freedom.<\/span><\/p>\n

The new social contract should be designed to impose decisive and binding restrictions on the state’s ability to arbitrarily intervene. This approach requires a redefinition of the distribution of power and also includes extending legal protections through the new constitution and the creation of independent and powerful regulatory bodies that act in a manner that is modeled on the design of independent democratic institutions.<\/span><\/p>\n

By emphasizing the lack of domination\u060c we can ensure that citizens are protected from undue domination and pressure. The state should be seen as the trustee of the people and provide space for individual and collective growth. This approach can help promote gender equality\u060c respect for the rights and culture of ethnic minorities\u060c protect the rights of LGBTQ + individuals\u060c strengthen workers’ rights\u060c and improve access to education\u060c health care\u060c housing rights and legal protection.<\/span><\/p>\n

The “woman life freedom” movement is a symbol of the collective struggle for rights and justice\u060c and the pursuit of impartial justice must also be addressed.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/span>In search of neutral justice<\/strong><\/p>\n

Justice has always been in line with the struggle of the Iranian people for freedom throughout modern history. From the 1891 tobacco boycott protests to the “Woman of Liberty Life” movement in 2022, ideas of social and economic justice in the face of oppression and inequality have resonated alongside demands for civil and political rights.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, justice remains unattainable for many. Since the Constitutional Revolution, the rule of Sharia law in Iran has overshadowed civil law. Law is often applied to the interests of elites and in situations of a lack of accountability. Courts under the influence of religious rule ignore the principles of neutrality when dealing with opponents or weak groups. Moreover, access to justice often depends on socioeconomic status or political status. The individual depends that this itself demonstrates the urgent need for independent and impartial civil laws.<\/span><\/p>\n

The flourishing ‘Woman Life Freedom’ <\/a>\u00a0movement in Iran is the latest demonstration of this unfulfilled desire for justice. The heartbreaking death of Mahsa (Gina) Amini by the Iranian morality police, which has been focused on the repressive implementation of hijab laws, has taken people across Iran to the streets demanding greater social freedoms and human rights. However, the government has continued to ruthlessly suppress the protests and the courts are aggressively prosecuting dissidents.Give.<\/span><\/p>\n

How can these systematic injustices be addressed in the light of today’s protests? A vital starting point is to separate the Iranian justice system from \u00a0“factional” policies<\/a> so that the balance of justice reflects society’s moral center of gravity, not temporary power holders. This will help to make more impartial judgments and align with people’s evolving moral judgments.<\/span><\/p>\n

The civil republican view must prove impartiality in the courts that investigate serious abuses that lead to the dominance of the Hay group over the other group (women, ethnics, LQBTQ). Judges must act on the assumption that the various possibilities of arbitrary interference represent injustices that require attention. The symbol of this movement in present-day Iran is the long-standing struggle of Iranian women for independence And the right to self-determination over one’s own body is strict against moral laws. Iran’s illegitimate rulers try to dismiss the protests as foreign interference, but the nation’s moral conscience stands firmly on the side of Iranian women fighting for long-term freedoms against violence. A truly neutral judiciary will reflect these realities.<\/span><\/p>\n

In modern Iran, the foundation of justice must ensure the protection of powerless people from the possible oppression of dominant groups and unaccountable elites. The “Woman Life Freedom \u201cmovement requires the legalization of such neutrality to achieve republican justice. Justice as a fundamental political feature must be rooted beyond jurisdiction in the entire structure of government and social interactions. This characteristic must be reflected in political decision-making, how laws are enforced and It is clear in the daily interactions of people with the government and judicial institutions. Only in this way can justice be realized as a dominant principle in modern Iranian society and respond to the goals of the “Woman Life Freedom” movement.<\/span><\/p>\n

Given the need for independent and impartial civil laws, another key element for a modern Iran is the active role of civil society.<\/span><\/p>\n

Strengthening civil society<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0A new social contract in Iran should allow ordinary citizens to actively participate in the control of government decisions and policies that affect their lives and freedoms. The experience of the Islamic Republic’s failures has shown that elections alone are not sufficient for this active control and can easily be exploited to serve the interests of established rulers and suppress civil society.<\/span><\/p>\n

Genuine participation requires legal support and political resources from diverse civil society bodies capable of expressing the evolving interests of citizens and protesting government actions. This civil counter-power infrastructure constitutes participatory authorization of the Republican political body. Institutionally, this could include \u00a0a national-level “citizens’ forum” <\/a>\u00a0with a comprehensive and representative sample of ordinary Iranians examining important policy issues. The public is on mission. The aim of the Assembly is to express conscious social preferences of Iran, which, based on expert statements and subject discussions, creates pressure on parliament and the presidency to show the will of the people, neither partisan nor factional.<\/span><\/p>\n

To inform and enable the wider population around government policy issues, it must strengthen public forums such as town halls and neighbourhood councils. This view provides channels to express grievances and influence from below towards national decisions.<\/span><\/p>\n

When the Iranian government fails to respond to the demands of the people, Iranians should be given the right to support peaceful protests, press freedoms, <\/a>artistic expression, online organizing, and voluntary associations in civic groups, as well as the right to pursue litigation against the government through easy access to lawyers. These tools serve as vital means of bringing social pressure and preserving republican freedoms. the S Instead of suppressing active civil criticism, government officials must actively engage with their critics and bridge the gaps between governance and evolving moral expectations.<\/span><\/p>\n

Through these approaches, Iran can foster a dynamic culture of inclusive civic engagement and public debate that will transform into a republic capable of counteracting dominance, corruption or oppression by the ruling minority of the state. Ordinary citizens of Iran deserve not only to vote, but to have a greater role in the direction and function of state power.<\/span><\/p>\n

Democracy in creating institutions to support popular sovereignty<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The mass demonstrations that are taking place across Iran today in various forms reveal the Iranian people’s deep enthusiasm for a democratic system in which citizens are genuinely involved in collective decision-making and unanimously oppose government policies. It is striking that current institutions have failed to ensure accountability for politicians and that government actions are in line with the demands and It’s not the feelings of the general public.<\/span><\/p>\n

Also, although free elections are important in a democracy, they alone cannot provide enough infrastructure for popular control without other complementary controls and balances. In Iran, elections have not been completely free, but it is important to understand that free elections are only part of the equation. Instead, Iran needs a complex ecosystem of balance that can be the three vital conditions of a dynamic democracy. \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

    \n
  1. Participation of the public in decision-making processes\u061b<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n
  2. equal access to all voices to shape discourse; and<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n
  3. Policies that are broadly aligned with social standards.<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    \u00a0<\/p>\n

    Rights should be expanded to strengthen the voices of minorities in determining outcomes that affect basic well-being and life opportunities. An inclusive “citizen’s assembly,” consisting of random examples of ordinary Iranian citizens, can engage in political debate and legislation. Also, mandatory public consultations force politicians to pay attention to popular criticism. Local participation centers such as neighbourhood councils, parliamentYouth and thematic conferences provide access to public participation in local concerns. If effectively integrated into urban planning and service delivery chains, such institutions could become citizen schools.<\/span><\/p>\n

    In the context of protests, public protests and opposition speeches serve as a shield against violations of moral expectations by the authorities. Therefore, the right to peaceful protest, press criticism, artistic dissent, and voluntary organization require strict legal protection against repression or government interference. Instead of automatically suppressing protests, authorities should seek dialogue with critics and thereby help reset the moral compass of the state. Hmm.<\/span><\/p>\n

    Over time, these civil exchanges between the state and society educate new generations in the techniques of social autonomy while at the same time holding the state accountable to evolving realities through the constant renewal of the conditions of the social contract.<\/span><\/p>\n

    Guarantee the rights of subgroups.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

    No republic will survive for long if sections of the people make themselves vulnerable to the domination and neglect of dominant powers and blocs of interests. The inherent tendency of man to factionalism often overcomes wiser commitments to equal liberty, and progress in this regard requires conscious moral self-discipline.<\/span><\/p>\n

    In this regard, fundamental rights serve as vital binding constraints and maintain an autonomous space for subgroups that are prone to chronic disability. While open to selective interpretation and implementation, these rights define legal speeds that limit unjust policies and give society the opportunity to slowly tackle new injustices and reform. They do the defense.<\/span><\/p>\n

    In the context of Iran, these areas can include<\/span><\/p>\n