Outlining a Democratic Transition in Iran
Amidst significant upheavals in Iran, the “Woman Life Freedom” movement has emerged as both a call for social justice and an opportunity for Iranians to discuss a new social contract for the country. This paper draws on Philip Pettit’s philosophy of “New Republicanism” and Danielle Allen’s notion of “Justice by Means of Democracy” to propose a foundation for this new social contract. The central idea is “non-domination”—the principle that a society should be constructed so that no individual or group can exert arbitrary power over another. From this perspective, the “Woman Life Freedom” movement seeks not just the overthrow of the existing regime but the creation of a society where the rights and freedoms of all citizens are equally guaranteed and promoted. Alongside advocating for gender equality including LGBTQ rights, this paper emphasizes the necessity of guaranteeing life with dignity, the freedom of religious practice, and political autonomy for Iran’s diverse regions in a new Iran. Achieving this requires a new social contract based on dialogue and collective participation, forming the bedrock for a new Iranian society and political regime. This paper is structured as follows: It begins by defining what a social contract entails and how it differs from a constitution, arguing that constitutions often fail without a preceding social contract. It illustrates this by reviewing constitutional developments in Iran up to the 1979 revolution. The paper then explores how a new social contract can be formulated for Iran and outlines its primary principles. Finally, it discusses the concrete political, social, and economic structures that this new social contract would establish in a post-Islamic Iran.
Institutional discrimination against women and girls
Institutional discrimination against women and girls enabled human rights violations and crimes against humanity in the context of recent protests, UN Fact-Finding Mission says
Kurdish Liberty
Most politically minded Kurds agree that their people need liberty. Moreover, they agree they need liberation from the domination they suffer from the four states that divide them: Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. What is less certain is the precise nature of this liberty. A key debate that characterizes Kurdish political discourse is over whether the liberty they seek requires the existence of an independent Kurdish nation-state. Abdullah Öcalan, the jailed intellectual leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has argued that Kurdish liberty can only be achieved through liberation from the nation-state model itself. Instead of founding an independent Kurdistan, Öcalan proposes regional autonomy for the Kurds through a strictly egalitarian and directly democratic confederalism reminiscent of Murray Bookchin’s anarchist-inspired libertarian municipalism. We argue, in response to Öcalan’s approach, that employing an anarchist rejection of the state is largely mistaken. We diagnose certain historical and conceptual problems with the anarchist understanding of the state and develop the admission made in passing by certain anarchists, including Öcalan, that anarchist liberty could only be achieved after a long period of statist existence. Mostly counter to the anarchist model of non-domination, we propose a republican model of liberty and liberation, also as non-domination, that necessitates the formation of an independent state, at least in this historical period, for Kurds and hence any dominated people to count as truly free. We conclude by attempting to combine certain elements of the anarchist and republican conceptions and offer a synthetic communitarian view that could serve as a better foundation for Kurdish aspirations for liberty.
Global Manifesto of “Woman Life Freedom” the Pathway of Movement
Narges Mohammadi wins Nobel Peace Prize with the motto ‘Woman, Life, Freedom.’ This win highlights the impact and importance of women’s rights movements in Iran
Global Acceptance of the Manifesto of “Woman Life Freedom”
The West recognizes the centrality of women and women’s leadership in Iran’s struggle against tyranny, But some men in our community accuse women who emphasize the female-focused nature of this movement of being ‘man-haters.’ This is far from the truth. Today, more loudly than ever before, we proclaim what we deserve, something we have demonstrated over the past 150 years. Regardless of their personal views, men should recognize the significance of this contemporary movement.
Citizens’ Assembly and Government
Emphasizing diversity and participation, the Citizens’ Assembly is presented as a new and different institution to strengthen democracy in Iran. By representing different faces of society and emphasizing the importance of criticism and debate among citizens, this forum takes positive steps to strengthen the participatory and democratic culture.
Rights of citizens with different sexual orientations and gender identities
The month of honor is a good opportunity to focus on the issues of this group of Iranian citizens and put their issues on the agenda of Iran’s civil-political movement. The purpose of this article is to contribute to the discussion about LGBTQ+ rights in Iran. We intend to look to the future. A future for Iran without oppression and under a democratic government where all citizens, regardless of sexual orientation, enjoy citizenship rights and freedom of expression.