One of the main debates of human rights defenders around the world is the rights of marginalized groups in society. One of these groups is the LGBTQ+ community (men and women who are gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer, etc.). The important factor to pay attention to the LGBTQ+ community is the double oppression they endure due to their sexual orientation, as well as their continuous struggle to recognize their true identity and obtain equal citizenship rights with other groups in society. In many countries, the struggles of the LGBTQ+ community have achieved great results. But in a number of regions of the world, especially in regions where tradition and religion have deep roots, this group is facing many problems. One of these regions is Islamic countries, including Iran. In our country, the LGBTQ+ community faces restrictions, discrimination and violence. One of the reasons for this oppression is the lack of awareness among people in the society.
The month of June has been named as the month of honor. This month, people around the world come together to pay tribute to the existence and diversity of the LGBTQ+ community, support their struggles, and also provide an opportunity for this group to take meaningful steps in raising the world’s awareness of themselves.
The month of honor is a good opportunity to focus on the issues of this group of Iranian citizens and put their issues on the agenda of Iran’s civil-political movement. The purpose of this article is to contribute to the discussion about LGBTQ+ rights in Iran. We intend to look to the future. A future for Iran without oppression and under a democratic government where all citizens, regardless of sexual orientation, enjoy citizenship rights and freedom of expression .
The theoretical basis of our discussion is “freedom without domination”, which provides a new definition of the freedom of society and civility. We examine issues such as the freedom and citizenship rights of the LGBTQ+ community in Iran in the future.
Freedom without domination is derived from the political philosophy of republicanism and citizenship. This theory does not see freedom only in the elimination of interference or the absence of direct barriers and prohibitions, but it is defined as the absence of domination in any direction. Freedom is defined as the removal of the capacity for arbitrary intervention in social and private life (Petit 1997). Freedom is defined as the ability to live without threats and to eliminate the possibility of arbitrary intervention by the authorities and people in society. According to this theory, a person is free when he is not under the arbitrary will or control of another. In other words, a person is free when he has no unwanted attachments.
Dominance, whether through discriminatory laws, social attitudes, or prejudices based on traditional ideas, limits the freedom of people in society because a person does not have the right to have his own identity and behaviors that are not accepted as soft by society. In a society where “freedom without domination” is accepted, no person is oppressed because of their choice and sexual orientation outside of their social norms and acceptances.
The conditions of people belonging to the LGBTQ+ community around the world have undergone major changes. In many countries, sexual orientations and non-heteronormative gender identity were previously considered a crime and faced punishment. Severe social and legal discrimination, violent treatment and driving them out of the society were fully accepted. But after years of struggle, many countries changed their policies. The people of these countries changed their attitude, recognized the rights and identity of the LGBTQ+ community, and progressive laws were established to recognize the identity of this group. The decriminalization of homosexuality has been a turning point globally.
In 1967, England and Wales decriminalized private sex between two men over the age of 21. In 1969, Canada legalized consensual same-sex relationships between two adults. Other European countries have passed laws recognizing same-sex relationships over the past half century. In 2018, India issued a historic ruling by the Supreme Court, repealing Article 377 of the country’s penal code, which outlawed homosexuality, effectively decriminalizing same-sex relationships.
Recognition of the right to formal marriage is one of the rights that LGBTQ+ activists have been fighting for for years, and finally this right was recognized in a number of countries. The Netherlands was the first country to recognize same-sex marriage in 2001. In the following years, other countries, including Canada, South Africa, almost all Central and Northern European countries, and recently Taiwan and Ecuador, have recognized and implemented marriage between two people of the same sex.
Despite all the efforts and continuous struggles of the members of the LGBTQ+ community, there are still countries and societies that ignore the rights of these people. Their lives and identities are still considered a crime. According to the statistics published in 2021, the relationship between two people of the same sex is still considered a crime in 69 countries of the world, and punishments have been determined for it in the law. In most African and Asian countries, the LGBTQ+ community is not recognized. These people are persecuted and there is no law to protect them. Some of them are even killed by family members in their place of residence, because they are considered a shame and dishonor to the family. In some countries, the health care system uses methods such as electric shocks and special drugs to “treat” these people, even though homosexuality and non-binary bread identities were removed from the list of diseases in 1972 and considered as behaviors. Human nature was confirmed.
Members of the LGBTQ+ community deal with oppression and discrimination against them in many ways. For this group, freedom without domination means the freedom to express one’s sexual orientation and gender identity without fear of retaliation, discrimination or criminalization. Also, freedom means equal access to opportunities, equal rights with other members of society. The conditions of this social group and their struggles are much more difficult and dangerous in countries where tradition and religion play a strong role.
Pride Month plays a very important role in celebrating the LGBTQ+ rights movement and its achievements. This month is a reminder of the ups and downs path that this group has taken to gain recognition of their identity, right to choose, citizenship rights and freedom without domination. The origin of Pride month is the Stonewall uprising in New York City in 1969. In this uprising, LGBTQ+ members protested by holding demonstrations after a police raid in June 1969. These protests were a turning point in the LGBTQ+ rights movement and are often considered the beginning of the modern LGBTQ+ movement. Since then, June has been known as Pride Month to show that LGBTQ+ members are proud of their identity, do not see themselves as less than or separate from the rest of society, celebrate their achievements, and declare that they are working to realize their rights as Citizens and gaining freedom without domination continue their struggle around the world. They also invite other members of the society to support and accompany in the struggle. Increasing community awareness is one of the ways to accompany this social group that they want.
Iran is one of the traditional countries and is under the clutches of religion. In Iran, only transgender identity is legally recognized, and according to Khomeini’s fatwa in 1987, transgenders are allowed to undergo surgery to choose a gender. Despite Khomeini’s fatwa, this group faces many challenges. Many transgenders do not want to undergo surgery and due to Iran’s economy, many people do not have the financial ability to do so. Other members of the LGBTQ+ community are considered illegal in Iran. Consensual sex is criminalized and punishable by death. These groups are still not accepted within the family and society and are persecuted. They are subjected to violence to the point of death. Their freedom in society is limited.
In addition to the laws and judicial system that deprives LGBTQ+ people of citizenship rights, this group also faces many social obstacles. The society looks at these people differently from the rest of the society. Many people view their behavior as abnormal. They are subjected to physical and mental abuse and violence. Even the family members consider them a source of family shame and reject them. In some cases, they kill the LGBTQ+ person to get rid of the shame.
In the Charter of Human Rights, everyone has equal rights as a citizen regardless of color, religion and sexual orientation. Everyone’s freedom must be ensured. Therefore, the current Islamic laws in Iran are in conflict with the Charter of Human Rights and other international laws. The theocracy ruling Iran ignores all the laws and demands of international institutions and deprives them of the citizenship rights of this group based on Sharia law.
In Iran, the future of freedom without domination will bring many developments and transformations in the lives of citizens, including LGBTQ+. The citizenship rights of this group will be protected in the legal and social dimension, like other members of the society. Everyone can live without discrimination and violence. The first step on the way to freedom without domination is the decriminalization of LGBTQ+ identity and way of life. Iran’s future laws should be enacted in a way that guarantees LGBTQ+ rights in all areas, including education, employment, housing, and health-social services.
Changing the rules is necessary and addresses the necessary needs, but it is not enough. Attitudes and social norms must also change. Social awareness should be increased and the whole society should understand and accept freedom without domination. In such an environment, LGBTQ+ members will enjoy freedom without domination and equal citizenship rights with other members of society.
Many efforts have been made to achieve the rights of the LGBTQ+ social group in other parts of the world. International cooperation and support, creation of transnational networks, cooperation with the LGBTQ+ movement at the global level and learning from their experiences are essential in the future of Iran. Human rights lawyers and other community experts should use international human rights mechanisms to bring about change in Iran in order to achieve LGBTQ+ rights.
A social contract is a collective agreement between members of a society and provides a blueprint for future cooperation and peaceful coexistence. It envisages a society in which freedom is recognized as “freedom from domination” and the fundamental rights of citizenship derived from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are guaranteed. By supporting diversity and mutual respect, it recognizes the equal value of every citizen regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity.
Among the stakeholders in shaping this agreement are members of the LGBTQ+ community, whose rights, equal to those of other social groups, should be explicitly included in the agreement. This obligation includes not only legal protections, but also social acceptance, ensuring social value and respect.
Writing this innovative social contract that may challenge entrenched social norms is a complex process; However, the promise of recognizing and honoring the inherent dignity of every person, regardless of gender, religion, nationality, ethnicity, or socio-economic status can serve as the root of Iranian identity. As we cultivate awareness and acceptance of our multifaceted identities, we come closer to realizing this desire. It is through this inclusive understanding and respect for our diverse identities that harmonious coexistence and mutual understanding becomes possible.
The social contract not only determines legal obligations, but also promotes social acceptance of these obligations. Promotes social value and respect for all, including the LGBTQ+ community. Basically, this document is written by the people and lays the foundations of our future society. Based on our shared beliefs, values and desires, this collective agreement will act as a beacon for the Constituent Assembly to turn these collective rights into a constitution.
But making this vision a reality depends on the future government’s unwavering commitment to its implementation. The government, bound by the constitution, has a central role in protecting the rights that people have enshrined in the social contract.
This article provides an overview of the concept of freedom without domination for the LGBTQ+ social group in Iran. This social group in Iran experiences a life that is in conflict with human rights and citizenship rights. This situation must change. To make this change and guarantee freedom without domination, we need a social contract based on the Universal Covenant of Human Rights, in which LGBTQ+ members are explicitly accepted as citizens with equal rights and duties to other members of society, and the community of identity He accepts his rainbow. The future constitution of Iran must grant the duty of protecting these rights to the government of the Republic of Iran. For a future-building Iran, we need a social contract based on a different understanding of citizenship rights and freedom. All members of society, regardless of sexual orientation and gender identity, religion, nationality or ethnicity, and other differences, must participate in the formulation and implementation of this social contract. People play a vital role in drafting this contract and the future government in implementing this social contract.
[1], freedom of expression has a broader concept than freedom of speech. It is not limited to speech and includes other forms of communication including different arts, music and writing. Expression means the right to express opinions and feelings freely and creatively in any situation and with any means that a person chooses. This right should also exist and be reserved for the LGBTQ+ community. They are also allowed to express themselves in any way such as art, music and writing. In some cases, freedom of expression includes the right to remain silent and not to be forced to speak or give an opinion. In addition, freedom of expression includes the right to access information, such as public information.
This website operates as a registered non-profit organization and supports the Gen Xian Azadi movement towards a future full of equality, human dignity and freedom from domination in Iran.
سویهٔ اسلامی حکومت دینسالار نقص آشکار جمهوری و ارادهٔ مردم بهمعنای واقعی کلمه است چرا که جمهوریت نظام مشروط است به اراده و میل کسانی که اسلامیت را فراتر از ارادهٔ مردم نمایندگی میکنند. قدرت بیانتهایی که ولی فقیه و نهادهای وابسته به او همانند نیروهای نظامی و شورای نگهبان از آنِ خود کردهاند، سهم «اسلامیت» در نظامِ سراپا متناقض جمهوری اسلامی است.
به این سهم نابرابر و مشروط جمهوریت باید اشکال گوناگون تبعیضهای دینی و قومی را نیز افزود که برابریِ شهروندی و حق انتخاب شدن و انتخاب کردن را برای گروههای بزرگی در جامعه دشوار و یا ناممکن میسازد.
تنش و تضاد میان نهادهای انتخابی و نهاد دین در ایران پیشینهٔ ۱۱۵ ساله دارد. شیخ فضلالله نوری در زمان انقلاب مشروطیت با شعار «ما دین نبی خواهیم، مشروطه نمیخواهیم» تکلیفش را با نهادهای انتخابی و مدرنتیه به معنای برابری انسانها، زمینی شدن قوانین و پایان سلطهٔ مذهب بر سرنوشت انسان و جامعه یکسره کرده بود. برای او دادن حق رأی به مردم و برپایی نهاد مستقلی مانند مجلس دستپخت مکلاها و روشنفکران «غربزده» بود و معنای آن هم پایان اقتدار سنتی روحانیت و مذهب شیعه.
شکست فضلالله نوری پایان تنش میان روحانیت سنتی و نهادهای انتخابی نوپا و مدرن نبود. با وجود حمایت بخشی از روحانیت از انقلاب مشروطیت، سودای دخالت نهاد دین در حکومت در طول دهههای بعدی به اشکال گوناگون بازتولید شد. گفتمانهای اسلامگرایان، از نواب صفوی و آیتالله خمینی گرفته تا علی شریعتی و مهدی بازرگان، با وجود تفاوتهای گاه اساسی، همگی به رسالت سیاسی و حکومتی دین شیعه باور داشتند. بحران سیاسی سال ۱۳۵۷ و سقوط حکومت پهلوی زمینه را برای این پیوند متناقض میان اسلام و حکومت و برپایی یک نظام دینسالارِ نامتعارف فراهم آورد.
دیوار کجی به نام جمهوری اسلامی
تحمیل آمرانهٔ گزینهٔ «جمهوری اسلامی، نه یک کلمه بیشتر و نه یک کلمه کمتر» در همهپرسی سال ۱۳۵۸ اولین سنگبنای دیوار کجی بود که نتیجهٔ آن جمهوری اسلامی کنونی است. آیتالله خمینی با وجود آنکه میزان را رأی مردم اعلام کرده بود، ولی اصل جمهوریت را تا آنجا قابلپذیرش میدانست که سویهٔ اسلامی نظام مورد تهدید قرار نگیرد. این خوانش تقلیلی از همان ابتدا و در ذات نظام دینسالار بود، چرا که هویت دینی حکومت انتخاب مردم را محدود و مشروط میکرد و نمیتوانست بازتاب تنوع جامعهٔ ایرانِ آن روز و دهههای بعدی باشد.
محمد خاتمی در سال ۱۳۷۶ با شعار جامعهٔ مدنی و مردمسالاری دینی در پی خوانش جدیدی از رابطهٔ میان جمهوریت و اسلامیت بود. او با تکیه به نظریات کسانی مانند فارابی بر این باور بود که سویهٔ اسلامی حکومت بیشتر بار هدایت اخلاقی و معنوی دارد و این جمهوریت است که باید دستبالا را در اداره و مدیریت کشور داشته باشد. این افق جدید سیاسی سبب به میدان آمدن گروههای گستردهٔ مردم بهویژه جوانان و زنان و طبقهٔ متوسطی شد که رؤیای برونرفت از بنبست حکومت دینیِ بسته و عبوس را در سر میپروراندند. اما فقط زمان کوتاهی لازم بود تا تنشهای میان جمهوریت و اسلامیتِ حکومت ناممکن بودنِ این پروژه را هم نشان دهد. تجربهٔ اصلاحات ناکام دورهٔ خاتمی و سپس جنبش سبز نشان داد که از معنویت دینی و شرقی حکومتی که سوار بر اسب سرکش قدرت اقتصادی و سیاسی شود، چیزی جز هیولای فساد، ریاکاری، حکمرانی نامطلوب و ناکارا و استبداد نصیب جامعه نمیشود.
چه نیازی به رأی مردم وجود دارد؟
پرسشی که میتوان مطرح کرد این است که جمهوری اسلامی چه نیازی به رأی مردم دارد؟ پاسخ این پرسش را باید در انقلاب سال ۵۷ و پیشینهٔ جمهوری اسلامی و ترکیب آن جستوجو کرد.
از سال ۱۳۵۷ تاکنون دوگانهٔ متضاد اسلام و جمهوری گریبانِ نظام دینی را رها نکرده و بخش مهمی از کسانی که از قطار انقلاب به بیرون پرت شدند هم قربانی این پارادکس (ناسازه) حکومتی هستند. از بازرگان، منتظری، محمد خاتمی، موسوی و کروبی، رفسنجانی تا تاجزاده، صادقی و فائزه رفسنجانی همگی قربانیان گناه آغازین خود و توهم حکومت دینی شیعه بودند و یا هستند. کسانی مانند بازرگان فقط چند ماه پس از انقلاب به این نتیجه رسیدند که «ما باران میخواستیم ولی سیل آمد». دیگران اما میبایست ناکامیها و سرخوردگی چندگانه را تجربه میکردند تا به دوران افسونزدایی از حکومت دینیِ آرمانی خود گام بگذارند و به فضلیت جدایی حکومت از نهاد دین پی ببرند.
جمهوری اسلامی اما پس از ظهور جنبش اصلاحطلبی در سال ۱۳۷۶ و مشاهدهٔ خطری که از سوی رأی مردم متوجه اسلامیت است، بهطور سازمند (سیستماتیک) تلاش کرده از سهم ناچیز جمهوریت در ساختار حکومتی بکاهد و آن را تحت مراقبت امنیتی شدید قرار دهد.
آنچه امروز بهطور واقعی از جمهوریت مانده، چیزی نیست جز یک نمای مینیمالیستی (حداقلی) بیرونی رأی مردم برای کسب نوعی مشروعیت حداقلی. این رأیگیریِ مشروط و تقلیلی از مردم دو کارکرد اساسی برای نظام دینی دارد. کارکرد نخست کسب مشروعیت مردمی و دموکراتیک حداقلی است با هزینهٔ کم.
کشاندن مردم به پای صندوقهای رأی برای گزینش نامزدهایی که حکومت به آنها پیشنهاد میکند، به نظام دینی امکان میدهد تا در برابر افکار عمومی داخلی و منطقهای و جهانی بگوید در خاورمیانهٔ پرآشوب و بحرانی، جمهوری اسلامی به نوعی دمکراسی پایبند است.
استفاده دیگری که تا کنون از جمهوریت نظام شده این است که نهادهای انتصابی بهگونهای ضداخلاقی ناکامیها و بنبستهای حکومت را به گردن رأی مردم میاندازند. اما همین انتخابات تقلیلی هم نوعی کابوس واقعی برای نظام دینسالار است و درست به همین دلیل هم به شورای نگهبان مأموریت داده میشود بسیار فراتر از وظایف خود مراسم رأیگیری با «دردسر» حداقلی را تدارک ببیند. همزمان مناسکی از معنا تهیشده به نام رأیگیری هم در زندگی اجتماعی روزمرهٔ جامعه کارکرد خاصی ندارد چرا که نه احزاب و سازمانهای مدنی، صنفی و سندیکاها از آزادیهای چندانی برخوردارند و نه انتخابشدگان از قدرت دگرگون کردن شرایط به سود جمهوریت.
حکم حکومتی، فصلالخطاب بودن رهبری، دستور رهبری، دخالتهای قوه قضائیه و نیروهای امنیتی… همه و همه به هنجارهای جاافتادهٔ حکومت اسلامی تبدیل شدهاند تا هر کجا لازم بود، رأی و ارادهٔ مردم و نهادهایی که انتخابیاند، بیاثر شود.
با این حال، حکومت در راهی که در پیش میگیرد، تصمیمگیرنده و تنها بازیگر سرنوشت خویش نیست. در برابر نظام دینیِ سرمست از قدرت، تودهٔ ناراضی و سرخورده و خشمگین و محروممانده از افق امید قرار دارد. آیا در این هماوردی نابرابر، جامعهٔ ایران و نیروهای زنده و نخبگان آن خواهند توانست راهی برای برونرفت از این بنبست و مخمصهٔ دشوار تاریخی بیابند؟
