Iran's Political & Social Renaissance

Abstract:

Amidst significant upheavals in Iran, the “Woman Life Freedom” movement has emerged as both a call for social justice and an opportunity for Iranians to discuss a new social contract for the country. This paper draws on Philip Pettit’s philosophy of “New Republicanism” and Danielle Allen’s notion of “Justice by Means of Democracy” to propose a foundation for this new social contract. The central idea is “non-domination”—the principle that a society should be constructed so that no individual or group can exert arbitrary power over another. From this perspective, the “Woman Life Freedom” movement seeks not just the overthrow of the existing regime but the creation of a society where the rights and freedoms of all citizens are equally guaranteed and promoted. Alongside advocating for gender equality including LGBTQ rights, this paper emphasizes the necessity of guaranteeing life with dignity, the freedom of religious practice, and political autonomy for Iran’s diverse regions in a new Iran. Achieving this requires a new social contract based on dialogue and collective participation, forming the bedrock for a new Iranian society and political regime. This paper is structured as follows: It begins by defining what a social contract entails and how it differs from a constitution, arguing that constitutions often fail without a preceding social contract. It illustrates this by reviewing constitutional developments in Iran up to the 1979 revolution. The paper then explores how a new social contract can be formulated for Iran and outlines its primary principles. Finally, it discusses the concrete political, social, and economic structures that this new social contract would establish in a post-Islamic Iran.

Introduction:

The “Woman Life Freedom” movement marks a pivotal moment for Iran. This movement embodies not only the power of collective action but also a redefinition of social norms and expectations. Initially sparked by systemic injustices and gender discrimination, the movement has broadened to include demands for gender equality, life with dignity, freedom of religious practice, political autonomy for Iran’s diverse regions, and LGBTQ rights. It addresses ongoing violations against ethnic and religious minorities (Amnesty International, 2008). It has become evident that a democratic and just society cannot be realized without dismantling the structures of domination that suppress the voices and freedoms of women and various marginalized groups (Pettit, 1999). The movement stands as a beacon of hope for all who demand dignity and equality for all Iranian citizens and a government that guarantees their fundamental human rights (Allen, 2023).

Inspired by the “Woman Life Freedom” movement, this paper discusses the necessity of a new social contract for Iran. It draws on Philip Pettit’s philosophy of “New Republicanism” (Pettit, 1997) and Danielle Allen’s notion of “Justice by Means of Democracy” (Allen, 2023), focusing on the principles of non-domination and participatory governance advocated by both to develop this social contract. This paper arises from the collective desire of various oppositional groups to create a framework for a just and democratic societal transformation in Iran. We recognize that this requires more than simply demanding an end to the current regime; it necessitates reflecting on past mistakes to avoid repeating them. Most importantly, it involves reaching a consensus on the principles that will underpin the future Iran. Consistent with the demands of the “Woman Life Freedom” movement, we believe these principles include non-domination and participatory governance (Pettit, 2012). Only by adhering to these principles can we ensure that a new Iran upholds the values of equality, justice, and freedom for every citizen (Milani, 1992).

Social Contracts, Constitutions, and Iran

A social contract is fundamentally different from a constitution. Constitutions delineate the laws, institutions, and procedures that govern a state. In contrast, social contracts address the basic principles upon which states and societies are founded. Political philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who developed theories of the social contract, focused more on the origins and foundations of government and society than on designing political, legal, or electoral systems (Locke, 1988; Rousseau, 1997).

Constitutions, when considered on paper, often appear to offer comprehensive frameworks for governance. They seldom resemble blueprints for dictatorship or theocracy. However, constitutions alone are insufficient. Many may question the necessity of a social contract, viewing it as abstract or redundant compared to concrete concepts like democracy, majority rule, checks and balances, and the separation of powers. While these elements are crucial, drafting a constitution without addressing broader societal principles is inadequate. The history of Iran’s various constitutions reveals that their failures were not due to inherent flaws in the documents themselves but because they were vulnerable to abuse in a society lacking strong norms and values to prevent such misuse.

To illustrate this distinction, we can examine the American and French revolutions. In the United States, the Declaration of Independence and the Federalist Papers formed the foundation of the new country’s social contract. These documents articulated the rationale for establishing a new independent nation, the guiding principles and goals for its government, and the rights that all citizens (initially limited to white men) were entitled to (Allen, 2014).

 The American Constitution subsequently built upon these principles to establish the institutions, procedures, and laws of the new government’s structure. Similarly, in France, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen was a statement of principles and values outlining the “natural” and “inalienable” rights of “all French citizens” (at the time only white men) and establishing a new understanding of the relationship between citizens and their government. Formulating a social contract before drafting a constitution is particularly crucial in revolutionary contexts, such as those experienced by the U.S. and France in the late 18th century, and which Iran must navigate in the future. While the French Revolution was not peaceful, it underscores the necessity of a social contract as a foundation.

In the 21st century, to ensure a democratic and peaceful transition, new revolutions must be based on social contracts that involve broad participation from the populace and a commitment to non-violence. In these scenarios, the goal is not merely to establish new political institutions and procedures but to create a new societal framework and governance philosophy. Having lived under a theocratic dictatorship, Iranians must determine not only the type of political institutions and procedures their new democracy should adopt, but also reach a consensus on the fundamental rights and responsibilities of citizenship and the proper relationship between citizens and government.

Drawing on historical precedents, it is argued that Iranians, through the “Woman Life Freedom” movement, must draft a “Woman Life Freedom Manifesto” akin to the American Declaration of Independence and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. This manifesto would articulate the foundational principles and values essential for creating a new Iranian society, ensuring that the constitution built upon these principles is robust, inclusive, and resilient against potential abuses. It is crucial that this manifesto condemns violence during the transition and afterward, when the new polity is established, promoting a non-violent democratic process that safeguards human rights and the rule of law (Allen, 2023; Pettit, 1997).

A Brief History of Iran’s Constitutions

Iran’s constitutional history is marked by a complex interplay of political, social, and religious factors that have shaped the nation’s governance and identity. The 1906 Constitution of Iran, along with its 1907 amendment, laid the foundation for a bicameral legislature but failed to clearly define the constitutionalists’ viewpoints, leading to ambiguities in interpreting the nation’s social contract (Farmanfarma, 1954). This lack of precursor documents presented significant challenges for Iran, as the absence of a clear separation of powers, particularly the lack of an independent judiciary capable of overseeing constitutional matters, stood in stark contrast to the frameworks established in French and American constitutions. The Majles (assembly) was given authority to legislate and approve the state budget, international treaties, loans, and concessions, but lacked the power to censure the government, although it could question ministers and demand their dismissal. The Senate, composed of appointed and elected members, was tasked with ratifying laws (Richard, 2004). While the constitution proclaimed democratic liberties such as freedom of speech, press, correspondence, and the right to fair judicial treatment, it overlooked the rights of religious minorities, especially Bahais and women (Richard, 2004).

An independent judiciary that included both civil lawyers and Grand Ayatollahs versed in their religious decrees could have balanced religious sentiments and state governance needs, addressing the significant problem of the absence of a clear separation of powers in Iran’s 1907 Constitution.

 Under Reza Pahlavi, Iran experienced a significant shift toward centralization, where the monarchy assumed control over functions that, according to the principles established by the Constitutional Revolution, should have been managed by the parliament. This shift was justified by goals of modernization and state strengthening but came at the expense of parliamentary democracy and judicial independence (Katouzian, 2003; Keddie, 2006; Afary and Anderson, 2022).

Despite the outward appearances of democracy, the actions undertaken during this period were often incompatible with Iran’s traditional communal system. Women, compelled by forced emancipation to leave their homes and discard their veils, often found themselves disadvantaged by abrupt modernization, as exemplified by the compulsory unveiling of women in 1936 (Katouzian, 2003; Keddie, 2006; Afary and Anderson, 2022). Pahlavi’s understanding of “modernization” diverged significantly from Western notions, which emphasized people’s participation in their political destiny.

The influence of positivist movements in early 20th-century Europe, which prioritized centralization often at the expense of ethnic groups and their identities, led to the harsh centralization of government and administration in Iran (Gheytanchi, 2000). This resulted in a state-driven definition of Iranian identity with little reference to the democratization movements concurrently unfolding in Europe after WWII. The forced modernization policies in Iran highlighted the tension between imposed state reforms and the genuine democratic aspirations that pacifist movements around the world advocated for, emphasizing non-violent and inclusive approaches to societal change (Katouzian, 2003).

 The Pahlavi era was marked by significant conflicts between the parliament and the prime minister, highlighting ongoing disputes between the executive branch and the legislature. The lack of separation of powers was further exacerbated by the second Pahlavi’s amendments to the constitution, granting himself extensive powers to dissolve parliament and undermining the foundational democratic principle of separation of powers (Locke, 1988; Montesquieu, 1989). The practice of appointing prime ministers without parliamentary endorsement further eroded legislative authority and exposed the absence of mechanisms for executive accountability, a core tenet upheld by thinkers like Locke and Montesquieu (Locke, 1988; Montesquieu, 1989).

The Islamic Revolution of 1979 brought a radical shift, moving from an authoritarian monarchy to governance by religious Shia clerics in the “Islamic Republic.” The new government’s constitution vested authority in the Islamic jurist (Velayat-e Faqih), granting the Supreme Leader ultimate power over law interpretation and enforcement based on Islamic texts (Constitute Project, 1979). This model redefined liberty and justice within an Islamic context, often at the expense of women’s rights, religious practices, and ethnic groups. The Iranian Constitution, as outlined in the 1979 preamble, defined women primarily in the context of family and motherhood, emphasizing their roles as mothers and caregivers above all else (Constitute Project, 1979). This framework implied that women’s primary place was in the home, contributing to the ideological and moral upbringing of future generations, rather than participating in public life as independent individuals with full political rights.

Principles of a New Social Contract for Iran

Philip Pettit’s concept of “New Republicanism,” which defines liberty as non-domination, is particularly relevant for Iranians advocating for democratic transformation (Pettit, 1997). Pettit argues that no entity, including political, clerical, or military bodies, should have the power to arbitrarily dominate others. This principle ensures that societal differences are resolved democratically, and that each individual’s voice can be heard without fear of repression. This concept is crucial as Iran navigates its complex social and political landscape, highlighting the necessity for a new social contract that not only respects but actively integrates the diverse needs and rights of its people. According to Pettit, a society adhering to non-domination would be characterized by the dispersion of power and the support of individual autonomy through mutual recognition and respect. This framework is essential for establishing a truly democratic society capable of addressing and amending inequalities and abuses of power. Such an approach is particularly vital in Iran, where the historical concentration of power has frequently suppressed public discourse and marginalized various groups.

Explanation of Key Terms and Concepts

To ensure a comprehensive understanding of the arguments presented, it is essential to define key terms and concepts. “New Republicanism” is a theory developed by Philip Pettit that redefines liberty as non-domination, contrasting it with the traditional notion of liberty as non-interference. In this framework, individuals are free when they are not subject to arbitrary interference by others. This concept is distinct from democracy, which primarily focuses on governance by the people. While non-interference suggests that freedom is simply the absence of obstacles or interference from others, non-domination ensures that no one has the power to interfere arbitrarily in the lives of others. A government with a separation of powers—where different branches (executive, legislative, and judicial) are distinct and independent—might effectively support non-interference by preventing any single branch from exercising unchecked power. However, non-domination emphasizes not just the absence of interference but the prevention of potential arbitrary interference. This requires mechanisms to ensure that power is distributed in such a way that no single entity or group can dominate others, thereby promoting a more equitable and just society. Non-domination is about creating a systemic balance where power is not only separated but also accountable and transparent, ensuring that all voices are heard and respected, and no individual or group can exert undue influence over others.

Application to Iran’s Social and Political Landscape

Building on Pettit’s principles, establishing a fair and efficient democracy in Iran requires a system that is both egalitarian and participatory. This involves ensuring that every individual, regardless of background or belief, has equal rights and opportunities to engage in the political process. The design of Iran’s future constitutional frameworks must not only limit and define governmental powers and structures but also actively engage its citizens. This means creating avenues for citizen input and feedback, ensuring transparency in governmental operations, and fostering an environment where the diverse voices of Iran’s ethnicities, languages, cultures, and religions are influential and respected (Pettit, 1997).

The recent Woman Life Freedom movement highlights unprecedented social unity among Iranians from various backgrounds, pushing the vision for a future Iran to cultivate this sense of connection. This movement underscores the importance of a “Connected Society,” where social structures strengthen bonds across economic, ethnic, and geographic divides, fostering participatory democracy and supporting social cohesion. Key principles to be addressed in this new social contract should include political decentralization, economic empowerment, fair distribution of resources, protection of labor rights, social safety nets, and anti-corruption measures (Allen, 2023, and Shafik, 2021).

The persistent issue of centralized power underscores the urgent need for a genuine and inclusive mechanism for constitutional amendment. Iran’s new social contract must elaborate that the future constitution should include a mechanism for a “constitutional convention,” enabling the people, rather than the establishment, to address deficiencies without polarizing political issues. A flexible and adaptable constitution is essential, allowing for modifications that enhance its ability to support an egalitarian and participatory democracy (Allen, 2004). This process should encourage participation from the diverse spectrum of Iranian society, ensuring no single group dominates, aligning with Pettit’s vision of a society free from domination (Pettit, 1997). Unlike the U.S. and French constitutions, where the amendment process is largely controlled by established political entities, Iran’s approach must prioritize direct participation by the people, reflecting the dynamic nature of a social contract that adapts to the challenges of each generation.

The Woman Life Freedom movement highlights the unprecedented social unity emerging among Iranians from various backgrounds, pushing the vision for a future Iran to deliberately cultivate this sense of connection. This movement underscores the importance of a “Connected Society,” where social structures and networks strengthen bonds across economic, racial, ethnic, and geographic divides, fostering a robust participatory democracy and supporting social cohesion necessary for a just society (Allen, 2023).

Implementing a decentralized means of governance will provide the meaningful changes needed to create a governance system that truly reflects and utilizes the nation’s rich diversity. This includes discussing decentralized governance structures and the importance of fully integrating marginalized groups into the political and social fabric of the country (Dockstader, 2022).

The concept of decentralized governance provides a framework for respecting and integrating diverse local identities within Iran’s broader political and social landscape. This approach builds upon the democratic ideals of egalitarianism and participatory constitutional democracy, proposing a governance framework that values the multiplicity of local identities and perspectives essential for a comprehensive and inclusive approach to national governance (Allen, 2023).

However, effective implementation of decentralized governance means Iran must adopt structures that empower local communities with autonomy while maintaining coherence at the national level, ensuring that all communities can manage their affairs in areas directly affecting them. This decentralization would allow local voices to be not only heard but also integral to the decision-making process, thereby enhancing the democratic process and justice by making governance more responsive and accountable to local needs (Dockstader, 2022).

By granting local governments significant autonomy, Iran can ensure that legislation closely reflects the specific cultural practices and needs of individual communities. This autonomy allows for more tailored governance that can respond dynamically to local concerns and foster a sense of ownership and engagement among local populations. Regional authorities could manage issues that span multiple localities, such as economic development projects or environmental concerns, facilitating cooperation and resource-sharing between communities. This level of governance enhances efficiency and collective problem-solving.

At the national level, the focus would be on overseeing functions that require consistency and unity across Iran, including defense, foreign policy, and national economic strategies. The national government’s role is crucial for preserving the country’s integrity and ensuring that local and regional practices align with national standards and laws. To complement this structured approach, changing the electoral system to ensure the fair presence of diverse local groups in the national legislature is essential. Implementing a mixed electoral system that combines elements of direct representation with proportional representation can help achieve this balance. Such a system allows smaller groups or communities to have their voices heard and their interests represented in the national assembly, thus promoting a balanced representation of both local and national interests.

These structural changes aim not to fragment the nation but to strengthen its unity by recognizing and validating the diverse identities within Iran. This strategy builds a robust framework where every segment of society can contribute to and benefit from the nation’s governance, enhancing the overall cohesion and resilience of the country. However, implementing decentralized governance comes with its challenges. Balancing local autonomy with national unity is a significant concern, as extensive decentralization could potentially lead to fragmentation or weaken the sense of national identity. This requires careful crafting of constitutional protections and national symbols that foster a sense of unity while celebrating local diversity.

 Addressing the equitable distribution of resources across different regions is also crucial. Wealthier or more populous regions might dominate national resources, leaving less affluent areas behind. A transparent and fair fiscal policy that redistributes resources to ensure all regions have the capabilities to thrive and contribute to the national economy is necessary. Additionally, conflicts between local laws and national or international laws, especially on contentious issues like environmental regulations or human rights standards, may arise. Establishing judicial mechanisms or constitutional courts to mediate these conflicts is essential to maintaining legal coherence and upholding democratic principles.

 To truly transform Iran into a nation where every citizen can participate fully and benefit from its resources, the economy must be empowered and made more inclusive. This entails a significant shift from a state-dominated economic model to one that encourages private enterprise and local initiative (Shafik, 2021; Allen, 2023). Central to empowering the Iranian economy is the decentralization of economic activities. Reducing the state’s dominance in critical sectors and promoting private and cooperative enterprises can stimulate job creation and innovation at the community level. Supporting traditional crafts and agriculture is crucial, especially in rural parts of Iran, to modernize production methods while preserving culturally significant practices (Afary and Anderson, 2022).

Addressing regional disparities is paramount for equitable development. Investing in infrastructure—such as roads, schools, and hospitals—in underdeveloped provinces can uplift economically disadvantaged areas, ensuring all regions of Iran have the opportunity to develop and contribute to the national economy. A transparent and fair fiscal policy that redistributes resources is essential to prevent wealthier regions from dominating national resources at the expense of less affluent areas (Abrahamian, 2008).

Protecting workers’ rights, ensuring fair wages, and preventing exploitation are fundamental steps toward economic empowerment. Additionally, expanding social safety nets to include unemployment benefits, healthcare, and pension schemes provides a security buffer that encourages innovation and risk-taking among the workforce (Pettit, 1997). Implementing these economic strategies will face obstacles, including political resistance from those who benefit from the status quo and cultural norms that may inhibit certain groups, like women, from participating fully in the workforce. Building coalitions for change and fostering a shared vision for a more inclusive economy are crucial for overcoming these challenges.

Economic empowerment initiatives must be sensitive to Iran’s diverse cultural and social norms and must be designed and implemented in ways that respect and engage with local communities. Encouraging entrepreneurship, especially among underrepresented groups, must be accompanied by societal support (Allen, 2023). Lastly, corruption and lack of transparency can undermine efforts to decentralize and democratize economic power. Strengthening institutions that monitor and enforce transparency and accountability is essential, requiring comprehensive legal and regulatory reforms to promote a culture of integrity and ethical behavior in both the public and private sectors (Shafik, 2021).

These foundational changes set the stage for a new social contract that can transform Iran into a just and democratic society, paving the way for the realization of the aspirations articulated by the “Woman Life Freedom” movement.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the “Woman Life Freedom” movement embodies a profound aspiration for a society that transcends arbitrary power and embraces true democracy. Drawing from Philip Pettit’s philosophy of New Republicanism and Danielle Allen’s concept of Justice by Means of Democracy, this paper has outlined the essential components of a non-dominant social contract that can pave the way for Iran’s democratic transition.

The historical context of Iran’s governance—from the centralized authority of the Pahlavi era to the theocratic dominance of the Islamic Republic—underscores the need for a radical rethinking of the social contract. Persistent issues of centralized power, lack of genuine political participation, and systemic inequalities have stifled the aspirations of the Iranian people for decades. It is within this landscape that the principles of non-domination become crucial, ensuring that no individual or group can wield unchecked power over others.

A new social contract for Iran must be built on the foundations of inclusivity, transparency, and accountability. Decentralized governance structures can empower local communities, allowing for greater responsiveness and accountability in addressing their unique needs. This approach not only democratizes power but also fosters a sense of ownership and engagement among citizens, which is crucial for the sustenance of a vibrant democracy.

Furthermore, economic empowerment is vital to ensuring equitable participation in Iran’s future. By decentralizing economic activities, supporting traditional crafts and agriculture, and ensuring a fair distribution of resources, Iran can create a resilient economy that benefits all its citizens. Strengthening labor rights and social safety nets will provide the security needed for innovation and participation, especially among marginalized groups.

The “Woman Life Freedom” movement’s vision of a connected society, where bonds are strengthened across economic, ethnic, and religious divides, is essential for social cohesion and justice. This vision aligns with Pettit’s ideal of a society free from domination, where power is dispersed, and individual autonomy is supported through mutual recognition and respect.

As Iran looks toward the future, the principles outlined in this paper offer a roadmap for building a just and democratic society. By embracing non-domination and participatory governance, Iran can ensure that every citizen has a voice in shaping the nation’s destiny, leading to a society that truly reflects the diverse aspirations and rights of its people. In laying the cornerstone for this future, the commitment to equality, justice, and freedom for every citizen must be unwavering. This new social contract is not just a formal agreement but a transformative path that genuinely embodies the hopes and dreams of all Iranians. Through collective action and civic engagement, Iran can transition to a democracy that honors its rich history while forging a brighter, more inclusive future.

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