Iran's Political & Social Renaissance

The Emergence of a New Social Contract

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Hegemony, social contract, and the foundation of a democratic republic in Iran

Pooyan Aslani

This article was first published in Morwa quarterly, number 15, summer 2023

The concept of legitimacy in Iranian politics has been influenced by three major factors, monarchy, religion, and democracy, from the beginning of the constitutional revolution until today. The revolution of 1979 was a turning point in modern Iranian history, bringing about a transformation in Iran’s political culture and providing a platform for discussion and thinking about different forms of legitimacy.

During the Constitutional Revolution, the conflict between monarchy, theocracy, and democracy represented three types of legitimacy. These conflicts have led to new challenges in the past decades, especially for a new generation of Iranians who seek a democratic republic. The crisis of legitimacy has now become a sensitive issue that reaches the core of Iran’s identity.

A new “social contract” is on the horizon, a national project focused on a general agreement on basic human rights and qualities. It not only defines the opportunities and rights of citizens but also ensures transparency and accountability to maintain public trust. Such a framework can be a turning point in Iran’s evolution towards a democratic and stable republic.

The article further discusses the formation of government and its role in determining citizenship rights. The “social contract” is introduced as a practical framework for understanding law and governance in the new Republic of Iran rather than a historical or philosophical concept.

New social contract: Interpretation and implementation of people’s rights

As we strive towards a significant yet intricate social transformation of “Women, Life, and Freedom” manifesto, we have reached a crucial point that necessitates an internal review and collective cooperation. In this tumultuous journey, the objective of this article is to promote a participatory culture and formulate a new “social contract” for Iran – a contract that broadens the government’s role and interactions with its citizens. Although this idea has been the topic of many discussions and deliberations, two crucial issues need attention: fundamental responsibilities and the collective essence of this proposal.

The primary commitment in implementing this agreement is to guarantee that the government of the future serves its citizens and the society at large, not the other way around. Government systems and constitutions often become rigid frameworks that citizens are expected to conform to. This new social contract must break away from that paradigm. It should guide us morally and steer us toward justice, equality, and freedom. Unlike constitutions, which primarily focus on governmental structures, or organizational charters that cater to corporate interests, a social contract should bring to life the moral principles that unite us as a nation.

Furthermore, this investment is not meant for those who merely dream or autocrats who hold absolute power. It is a shared commitment. The term ‘collective’ here is not just a word but a practice. The common criticism of libertarian movements lacking centralized leadership is transformed into a positive and practical tool with this collective perspective rather than an emotional and reactive response to the injustice made by the Islamic tyrrany. Creating a ‘social contract’ becomes a preventive measure, marking the beginning of a new governance era centered on human dignity, justice, and participatory democracy.

It is important to note that while the terms “social contract” and “constitution” are often used interchangeably in discussions on governance, there is a fundamental difference between the two. A constitution primarily focuses on the structures of government. It lays out the laws that define each branch of government’s roles, powers, and limitations. While this framework is necessary to define the state, it leaves little room for the dynamic changes inherent to human society.

In a world where structures and protocols are often formal and inflexible, it is essential to acknowledge social contracts’ unique and dynamic role. These conventions not only define the basic structures, such as constitutions, that govern society but also shape the identity and purpose of the government. Government is not just a set of bones and veins but also has a soul that provides a moral and collective context, making it resistant to tyrrany.

After considering the background, it is crucial to examine the facts. Iran is currently in a more sensitive period than the last 45 years, during which it has experienced various political disturbances and has not had the opportunity to establish a social contract. This is not just a theoretical exercise but a necessary and practical mission. We need a roadmap to move Iran from the authoritarian hegemony it is currently under to a place where democracy and freedom can flourish.

We need to form specialized committees in several different areas to tackle the complex challenges and important issues. These committees should include economists scrutinizing fiscal policies, human rights activists to address the concerns of minorities, and other experts who can contribute to finding solutions. It’s not only essential to address domestic issues but also to consider their international impacts.

It is essential to understand that creating an effective social contract is not solely the responsibility of the elite. More than mere participation is needed to achieve this goal. A multifaceted and comprehensive approach must address all social concerns and issues. At this stage, upholding principles such as justice and equal representation is essential to ensure every issue is addressed.

To move forward, it is crucial to create policies promoting cultural diversity and inclusivity of various ethnic groups. This work should not solely involve anthropologists and sociologists but also the active participation of representatives from different Iranian communities, such as Kurds, Arabs, Baloch, Azerbaijanis, and other minorities. Addressing their specific challenges, including language retention and systemic discrimination, will strengthen the social fabric and ensure that all contracts are valid.

When it comes to governance and civil liberties, the expertise of constitutional lawyers, political theorists, and human rights activists is invaluable. On the economic front, practical solutions to systemic economic challenges can be offered by economists, social scientists, labor representatives, and anti-poverty experts.

Thanks to modern technology, ordinary citizens now have the means to have their voices heard. Online forums and virtual platforms offer secure channels for sharing drafts, analysis, and discussions. By utilizing blockchain technology, these digital platforms can guarantee the safety and anonymity of citizens’ inputs.

Whether it’s a university student in Tehran or a farmer in a rural area, every voice counts in this collective effort. Discussions can delve into the governance details, express economic concerns, and scrutinize regulations that directly affect them. Iran possesses the necessary tools and intellectual capital to accomplish this monumental task. However, whether we are ready to take on this challenge is the question. To make the social contract work, we need more than just a piece of paper. We need a fully functional game plan.

Ubiquity is the first step

The new social contract must be transparent, inclusive, and involve experts and the general public, as it is not just a document but a living and social framework.

Obtaining international and domestic credit

The validation of the social contract needs to happen on a global scale. It’s not just about getting human rights organizations or legal experts endorsements. The participation of notable figures from various fields, such as science, entertainment, and politics, can help legitimize the initiative and pressure the oppressive regime in Iranian.

Public mobilization is the third step

It is essential to first establish a strong agreement among the people within a country and gain recognition from the international community. Once this is achieved, efforts should involve the public at the grassroots level. This can be achieved by using innovative tools, such as impactful social media campaigns and local activations, to increase public awareness and engagement. Local advocates can also play a role in distributing printed summaries, using QR codes that link to the whole document, to directly involve the public in creating a more inclusive social contract.

Step 4: Putting it all together

To conclude the process, it’s essential to publish the social contract simultaneously with coordinated statements via international media. Additionally, an inclusive presence on social media is equally crucial. Diplomatic channels should be utilized to coordinate the aforementioned activities with global action against oppressive regimes like Iran. This will help to push for undeniable mass change.

Step 5: Ensure international oversight

In order to ensure compliance with the principles of the social contract, it is necessary to have international institutions that can effectively monitor its implementation. This would increase accountability and transparency. In summary, while it may be challenging, we must strive to create a social contract that aligns with our collective aspirations and addresses the complex issues we face. It is more than just a document; it is a roadmap that guides us towards a better future.

The call for a democratic Iran is not just a mere flag that we raise. It is a long-term process that requires collective participation, strategic thinking, and deep commitment. In the following section, we will elaborate on how a democratic republic can serve as a comprehensive solution to Iran’s problems.

A Blueprint for a Democratic Iran: The Dynamic Interaction of Local and Central Governments

To address the complex socio-political challenges faced by Iran, many suggest that decentralization is the key to achieving a truly democratic society. As previously discussed, a comprehensive and credible social contract is essential to aligning the unique needs of individual provinces with the broader national goals. The governance of democratic Iran is a complex interplay between local and centralized governments, requiring a delicate balance and cooperation between the two.

Local government in Iran is designed to cater to the diverse social identities of its population, which is a mosaic of different cultural, ethnic, and religious backgrounds. Each province, such as the bustling city of Tehran, the serene landscape of Gilan, or the picturesque scenery of Kurdistan, must govern according to its own unique conditions. Local councils, whether they focus on education, healthcare, or women’s rights, must find solutions that fit the specific needs of their communities.

The social contract that shapes the daily experience of Iranians is not just a legal term but a living document that should reflect Iran’s multifaceted history and current challenges. It should be like a harmonious symphony, setting the rhythm of local government and providing a melodious tune at the national level.

To better understand the economic incentives of each province, it’s essential first to comprehend how policies are formulated and implemented in a decentralized framework. In this context, local governments are responsible for devising and executing policies that maximize their unique resources and advantages. However, the central government is vital in ensuring that these policies align with national goals and that resources are distributed equitably across all provinces. This dynamic relationship requires continuous communication and adjustments. Still, it provides a way to utilize local strengths while maintaining national unity.

Iran’s decentralized governance system can harness local and national benefits by unlocking each province’s economic potential.

Oil and gas reserves: a regional approach

Khuzestan and other regions boast abundant reserves of oil and gas. By implementing a decentralized form of governance, these provinces can efficiently manage these assets and promote the creation of employment opportunities for the local population. A portion of the generated revenue can be invested in improving local infrastructure and enhancing educational facilities. At the same time, another fraction can be allocated to the National Fund for Technological Innovation and Environmental Protection.

Utilizing tourism’s potential

Isfahan and Shiraz are two provinces that offer untapped tourism opportunities. With their rich culture, history, and local handicrafts, these provinces have the potential to become significant sources of income and employment. By investing in local infrastructure, such as public transportation, we can boost tourism and improve the lives of local residents. Additionally, Kurdistan’s breathtaking natural scenery makes it a prime location for ecotourism, promoting environmental sustainability and creating job opportunities and entrepreneurship on a national level.

Regional academic centers: a soft power approach

Universities located in different provinces can specialize in attracting students from neighboring countries. For instance, regions adjacent to Turkmenistan can offer courses focusing on the Turkmen language and culture. Similarly, those near Afghanistan can concentrate on peace studies and conflict resolution. Such initiatives not only help attract foreign investment but also serve as tools of soft diplomacy. Provinces like Kurdistan and Baluchistan have unique opportunities to utilize in the education sector.

Emerging technolaogy centers: beyond Tehran

Tehran is currently the technology capital of Iran. Still, other cities such as Tabriz and Isfahan have the potential to become technology hubs themselves. These cities can distinguish themselves and thrive by focusing on fields such as artificial intelligence, renewable energy, or biotechnology. Provincial governments can encourage the growth of tech startups and entrepreneurs by offering tax incentives and grants.

Organic farming and value farming

Provinces abundant in agriculture, such as Mazandaran, Golestan, and Azerbaijan, have the potential to shift towards organic farming and produce high-value agricultural products. To facilitate this transition, specialized agricultural zones can be established, and the provinces can offer financial incentives or tax breaks to encourage companies to invest in sustainable agriculture practices.

Launching a platform to promote sustainable development in special economic zones

Iran is a country with diverse regions, and utilizing this diversity can be the key to its national progress. For instance, Hormozgan has enormous ports, making it an ideal location to establish a free trade zone to facilitate logistics and trade. Similarly, Balochistan is another promising region that can become a significant trade and logistics hub, thanks to its strategic geography and prominent ports. This presents a unique opportunity for trading and logistics activities, especially with Pakistan and the Persian Gulf countries. By redistributing the wealth generated from prosperous provinces like Hormozgan, the infrastructure of regions like Balochistan can be strengthened, creating a win-win situation for national and equitable development.

Handicarafts: Innovating through tradition

Provinces with a wealth of traditional handicrafts can introduce policies to encourage and boost these skills. The government can provide financial incentives to establish local cooperatives, while digital platforms can spread awareness and reach international markets. These initiatives create economic benefits at the national level and promote Iran’s cultural diplomacy.

A renewable energy future awaits us

Certain regions of Iran, such as Kerman, have abundant sunshine, making them ideal for establishing solar energy production centers. Similarly, Gilan, with its strong winds, can focus on wind energy. For companies wishing to invest in renewable resources, incentives are not just an option but a necessity.

A sustainable approach to fisheries and aquaculture

Coastal provinces such as Bushehr have the potential to develop sustainable fisheries and aquaculture as local industries. Targeted investments can strengthen these practices and secure the food supply chain.

Keeping the government’s power intact: Religious minorities, ethnic groups, etc. 

Iran has a centralized economic and political system that has historically marginalized ethnic and religious minorities. However, the country’s diverse population, which includes Kurds, Arabs, Turks, Baluchis, Sunnis, Baha’is, Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians, could benefit from a decentralized framework. By participating in local governance, these groups can voice their unique needs and expectations and contribute to a democracy that is responsive not only to numbers but also to the diverse cultural heritage of Iran.

Central government’s role: guardian of universal values

Although local autonomy is essential, it does not imply the absence of a central government. The latter is crucial in safeguarding universal values, such as human rights. It should establish frameworks within which local governments can function and ensure that the rights of all Iranians are respected. This creates a system of checks and balances to prevent abuse of power at the local and national levels. Effective communication, negotiation, and adaptation are vital to maintaining smooth interactions between local and centralized governments.

Iranian Society’s Evolving Complex Structure

This intricate and developing structure reflects the intricacies of Iranian society. This framework serves as a governance model and a mosaic of what Iran can truly aspire to be – just, prosperous, and deeply democratic.

Democratic Hegemony: The Social Contract

Iran is at a crucial moment of change, with many possibilities. These range from the establishment of special economic zones to the development of energy poles, and from promoting renewable energy and traditional handicrafts to ensuring equitable distribution of resources. However, the key to bringing all these diverse elements together is creating a robust social contract to establish an apparent hegemony for a genuine democratic republic in Iran.

A social contract is different from politics because it creates a long-lasting influence that is collectively accepted and respected by all sections of society. This influence is not based on coercion but on a constitution that acts as a social contract and binds the entire nation. The result is a hegemony of legitimacy that promotes freedom without domination in society.

Imagine a country like Iran, where regional diversity is not only accepted but also celebrated as a national asset and integrated into a unified governance framework. Imagine a nation where human rights are not seen as an imported ideology but as a universally accepted axiom established by a central government that embodies these values while supporting local governance.

In a perfect society, it cannot be guaranteed that the misuse of authority will be completely eliminated or unlikely. However, the key to establishing a stable governing system is to maintain continuous dialogue, negotiation, and interaction between different levels of the government. By creating checks and balances that support progress instead of hindering it, we can ensure that every voice and opinion, from the bustling ports of Hormozgan to the strategic corridors of Balochistan, contributes to harmonious national progress.

Let’s make our vision a reality before tomorrow. This plan is deeply ingrained in our lands, cultures, and potential. It’s time to take action and commit to building an inclusive, prosperous, and democratic Iran. A hegemonic social contract isn’t just an agreement – it’s a fundamental covenant that will shape the future of our nation for generations to come.

سعید پیوندی

سویهٔ اسلامی حکومت دین‌سالار نقص آشکار جمهوری و ارادهٔ مردم به‌معنای واقعی کلمه است چرا که جمهوریت نظام مشروط است به اراده و میل کسانی که اسلامیت را فراتر از ارادهٔ مردم نمایندگی می‌کنند. قدرت بی‌انتهایی که ولی فقیه و نهادهای وابسته به او همانند نیروهای نظامی و شورای نگهبان از آنِ خود کرده‌اند، سهم «اسلامیت» در نظامِ سراپا متناقض جمهوری اسلامی است.
به این سهم نابرابر و مشروط جمهوریت باید اشکال گوناگون تبعیض‌های دینی و قومی را نیز افزود که برابریِ شهروندی و حق انتخاب شدن و انتخاب کردن را برای گروه‌های بزرگی در جامعه دشوار و یا ناممکن می‌سازد.
تنش و تضاد میان نهادهای انتخابی و نهاد دین در ایران پیشینهٔ ۱۱۵ ساله دارد. شیخ فضل‌الله نوری در زمان انقلاب مشروطیت با شعار «ما دین نبی خواهیم، مشروطه نمی‌خواهیم» تکلیفش را با نهادهای انتخابی و مدرنتیه به ‌معنای برابری انسان‌ها، زمینی شدن قوانین و پایان سلطهٔ مذهب بر سرنوشت انسان و جامعه یکسره کرده بود. برای او دادن حق رأی به مردم و برپایی نهاد مستقلی مانند مجلس دستپخت مکلاها و روشنفکران «غرب‌زده» بود و معنای آن هم پایان اقتدار سنتی روحانیت و مذهب شیعه.
شکست فضل‌الله نوری پایان تنش میان روحانیت سنتی و نهادهای انتخابی نوپا و مدرن نبود. با وجود حمایت بخشی از روحانیت از انقلاب مشروطیت، سودای دخالت نهاد دین در حکومت در طول دهه‌های بعدی به اشکال گوناگون بازتولید شد. گفتمان‌های اسلام‌گرایان، از نواب صفوی و آیت‌الله خمینی گرفته تا علی شریعتی و مهدی بازرگان، با وجود تفاوت‌های گاه اساسی، همگی به رسالت سیاسی و حکومتی دین شیعه باور داشتند. بحران سیاسی سال ۱۳۵۷ و سقوط حکومت پهلوی زمینه را برای این پیوند متناقض میان اسلام و حکومت و برپایی یک نظام دین‌سالارِ نامتعارف فراهم آورد.
دیوار کجی به نام جمهوری اسلامی
تحمیل آمرانهٔ گزینهٔ «جمهوری اسلامی، نه یک کلمه بیشتر و نه یک کلمه کمتر» در همه‌پرسی سال ۱۳۵۸ اولین سنگ‌بنای دیوار کجی بود که نتیجهٔ آن جمهوری اسلامی کنونی است. آیت‌الله خمینی با وجود آن‌که میزان را رأی مردم اعلام کرده بود، ولی اصل جمهوریت را تا آن‌جا قابل‌پذیرش می‌دانست که سویهٔ اسلامی نظام مورد تهدید قرار نگیرد. این خوانش تقلیلی از همان ابتدا و در ذات نظام دین‌سالار بود، چرا که هویت دینی حکومت انتخاب مردم را محدود و مشروط می‌کرد و نمی‌توانست بازتاب تنوع جامعهٔ ایرانِ آن روز و دهه‌های بعدی باشد.
محمد خاتمی در سال ۱۳۷۶ با شعار جامعهٔ مدنی و مردم‌سالاری دینی در پی خوانش جدیدی از رابطهٔ میان جمهوریت و اسلامیت بود. او با تکیه به نظریات کسانی مانند فارابی بر این باور بود که سویهٔ اسلامی حکومت بیشتر بار هدایت اخلاقی و معنوی دارد و این جمهوریت است که باید دست‌بالا را در اداره و مدیریت کشور داشته باشد. این افق جدید سیاسی سبب به میدان آمدن گروه‌های گستردهٔ مردم به‌ویژه جوانان و زنان و طبقهٔ متوسطی شد که رؤیای برون‌رفت از بن‌بست حکومت دینیِ بسته و عبوس را در سر می‌پروراندند. اما فقط زمان کوتاهی لازم بود تا تنش‌های میان جمهوریت و اسلامیتِ حکومت ناممکن بودنِ این پروژه را هم نشان دهد. تجربهٔ اصلاحات ناکام دورهٔ خاتمی و سپس جنبش سبز نشان داد که از معنویت دینی و شرقی حکومتی که سوار بر اسب سرکش قدرت اقتصادی و سیاسی شود، چیزی جز هیولای فساد، ریاکاری، حکمرانی نامطلوب و ناکارا و استبداد نصیب جامعه نمی‌شود.
چه نیازی به رأی مردم وجود دارد؟
پرسشی که می‌توان مطرح کرد این است که جمهوری اسلامی چه نیازی به رأی مردم دارد؟ پاسخ این پرسش را باید در انقلاب سال ۵۷ و پیشینهٔ جمهوری اسلامی و ترکیب آن جست‌وجو کرد.
از سال ۱۳۵۷ تاکنون دوگانهٔ متضاد اسلام و جمهوری گریبانِ نظام دینی را رها نکرده و بخش مهمی از کسانی که از قطار انقلاب به بیرون پرت شدند هم قربانی این پارادکس (ناسازه) حکومتی هستند. از بازرگان، منتظری، محمد خاتمی، موسوی و کروبی، رفسنجانی تا تاج‌زاده، صادقی و فائزه رفسنجانی همگی قربانیان گناه آغازین خود و توهم حکومت دینی شیعه بودند و یا هستند. کسانی مانند بازرگان فقط چند ماه پس از انقلاب به این نتیجه رسیدند که «ما باران می‌خواستیم ولی سیل آمد». دیگران اما می‌بایست ناکامی‌ها و سرخوردگی چندگانه را تجربه می‌کردند تا به دوران افسون‌زدایی از حکومت دینیِ آرمانی خود گام بگذارند و به فضلیت جدایی حکومت از نهاد دین پی ببرند.
جمهوری اسلامی اما پس از ظهور جنبش اصلاح‌طلبی در سال ۱۳۷۶ و مشاهدهٔ خطری که از سوی رأی مردم متوجه اسلامیت است، به‌طور سازمند (سیستماتیک) تلاش کرده از سهم ناچیز جمهوریت در ساختار حکومتی بکاهد و آن را تحت مراقبت امنیتی شدید قرار دهد.
آن‌چه امروز به‌طور واقعی از جمهوریت مانده، چیزی نیست جز یک نمای مینی‌مالیستی (حداقلی) بیرونی رأی مردم برای کسب نوعی مشروعیت حداقلی. این رأی‌گیریِ مشروط و تقلیلی از مردم دو کارکرد اساسی برای نظام دینی دارد. کارکرد نخست کسب مشروعیت مردمی و دموکراتیک حداقلی است با هزینهٔ کم.
کشاندن مردم به پای صندوق‌های رأی برای گزینش نامزدهایی که حکومت به آن‌ها پیشنهاد می‌کند، به نظام دینی امکان می‌دهد تا در برابر افکار عمومی داخلی و منطقه‌ای و جهانی بگوید در خاورمیانهٔ پرآشوب و بحرانی، جمهوری اسلامی به نوعی دمکراسی پایبند است.
استفاده دیگری که تا کنون از جمهوریت نظام شده این است که نهادهای انتصابی به‌گونه‌ای ضداخلاقی ناکامی‌ها و بن‌بست‌های حکومت را به گردن رأی مردم می‌اندازند. اما همین انتخابات تقلیلی هم نوعی کابوس واقعی برای نظام دین‌سالار است و درست به همین دلیل هم به شورای نگهبان مأموریت داده می‌شود بسیار فراتر از وظایف خود مراسم رأی‌گیری با «دردسر» حداقلی را تدارک ببیند. همزمان مناسکی از معنا تهی‌شده به نام رأی‌گیری هم در زندگی اجتماعی روزمرهٔ جامعه کارکرد خاصی ندارد چرا که نه احزاب و سازمان‌های مدنی، صنفی و سندیکاها از آزادی‌های چندانی برخوردارند و نه انتخاب‌شدگان از قدرت دگرگون کردن شرایط به سود جمهوریت.
حکم حکومتی، فصل‌الخطاب بودن رهبری، دستور رهبری، دخالت‌های قوه قضائیه و نیروهای امنیتی… همه و همه به هنجارهای جاافتادهٔ حکومت اسلامی تبدیل شده‌‌اند تا هر کجا لازم بود، رأی و ارادهٔ مردم و نهادهایی که انتخابی‌اند، بی‌اثر شود.
با این حال، حکومت در راهی که در پیش می‌گیرد، تصمیم‌گیرنده و تنها بازیگر سرنوشت خویش نیست. در برابر نظام دینیِ سرمست از قدرت، تودهٔ ناراضی و سرخورده و خشمگین و محروم‌مانده از افق امید قرار دارد. آیا در این هماوردی نابرابر، جامعهٔ ایران و نیروهای زنده و نخبگان آن خواهند توانست راهی برای برون‌رفت از این بن‌بست و مخمصهٔ دشوار تاریخی بیابند؟